The American Government and Its Constitution

The men who gathered in Philadelphia to consider the formation of a stark naked disposal had a largely shared education in ancient history, with varied education in the histories of Britain and Europe, and these men to a fault shared a knowledge of jurisprudence, the law of nations, the law of contracts and the origins of society, and on semipolitical skill and morality. They knew the history of states, which had in fact had a very low track record for survival because they had an inherent tendency to generate unstable both from the threat of external enemies and from defects in their political and economic structure. There was also a tendency to deviate into a democracy, which meant little more than mob rule. The question veneer the Constitutional Convention was if it would be possible that a republic could be ruled in a manner that provided for person-to-person safety only by a form of political science that was too strong for individual liberty.

The subjective form of the new presidential term would be a republic, as supported by the Federalist position. There were specific problems facing the new republican g everywherenance that had not been solved in Europe. Madison pointed out that Americans set up a way of applying a republic to an extended grease, and he also noted that the elaborate system of representation in the Const

itution would do two essential tasks: 1) it would prevent the central government from grasping excessive power, because representatives would ever to be responsible to their electors; and 2) it would, in turn, screen the central government from the detrimental force of popular passion. In No. 39 of The Federalist Papers, Madison asked whether the new government would be strictly republican: "It is evident that no other form would be reconcilable with the genius of the people of America; with the fundamental principles of the revolution; or with that honorable determination, which animates every votary of freedom, to rest all our political experiments in the capacity of mankind for self-government" (59).

Madison concluded that the proposed government was indeed republican in form, modified for the size of the territory: "The proposed Constitution therefore is in strictness neither a national nor a federal constitution; but a composition of both" (63).

Hamilton would later propose increased centralisation and the creation of a central bank, and Madison would then twin him and become more and more disaffected with Hamilton's views. The nation followed aspects of both men's philosophies, but in general it can be said that the country has developed more along Madisonian lines than Hamiltonian. Madison, after all, called for a moderate course. He did not place states' rights over federal power but instead called for a remnant of power, the same balance of power that had been advocated in the Federalist Papers and that had been collective in the Constitution on several levels. The nation has also steered a more moderate course. Critics of federal power call option that it has supplanted states' rights, and the cry of states' rights has often been used to defend specific policies such(prenominal) as racial discrimination in the South. Over time, super C
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