Russian ambassador talks future of U.S.-Russian relations

No one knows for reliable who will rule in capital of the Russian Federation by the residuum of the decade, but the period of romantic partnership with the U.S. and the West is o'er. Russia is inter-group communication out on its own, taking a path that already has led to confrontation with the West. In fact, Russia is in the midst of a political turbulence fraught with dangers for the West, and the chances be good that the future(a) American President will have to deal with a new and very different set of players in Moscow.

A major point of disagreement between President Clinton and his U.S. critics c oncerns the U.S. congest for President Yeltsin (Zelikow, 1994). Critics charge that the Clinton disposal's continued unquestioning support for Boris Yeltsin makes little and less sense. According to critics, Yeltsin today is presiding over the return of the hardline Soviet nomenklatura to top positions of power. He has lost the support of the Russian reformers and is pursuing an increasingly confrontational foreign policy.

Anti-Western sentiments are outgrowth in Russia. Moscow is attempting to re-establish its influence in neighboring regions that once were part of the Soviet Union. The Kremlin is employing economic, diplomatic, and military means to achieve a sphere of economic and military influence in what Moscow calls its "near abroad:" the Baltic States, Ukraine, and the non-Russian states in Central Asia and the Caucasus that employ to be part of the Soviet Un

Another point of contention concerns courtly arms control. The stuffy Forces in Europe (CFE) conformity places limits on the numbers of established weapons (such as tanks and cannon) in Europe and Russia. It was signed with the now-defunct U.S.S.R. in 1990 later on more than two decades of negotiations. Critics became worried when Clinton agreed to a slanted revision of the treaty that permitted the Russians to exceed agreed limits on conventional weapons in Russia's northern and southern states. Beefing up the numbers of tanks and cannons on the borders of Russia's neighbors, be it the Baltic States or nations in the Caucasus, raises questions about Moscow's long-run intentions.

Moreover, critics point out that Russia is already far behind on meeting the weapons system destruction targets stipulated by the CFE agreement (Judis, 1995).

The Russians are capitalizing on the Clinton Administration's desire to "strengthen" the flawed 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile treaty and are seeking to include greater restraints on short-range or theater missile defenses (Brzezynski, 1995).

Russia agreed to cooperate with NATO in a peacekeeping mission in Bosnia. In exchange, the Clinton Administration allegedly promised not to expand NATO any time soon, acquiesced to an growing in the number of conventional weapons in place on Russia's northern and southern flanks in violation of the CFE treaty, and agreed to Russian freedom of action in the former Soviet area. Russia has over 2,000 peacekeepers in Bosnia.

On September 21, 1993, Boris Yeltsin disbanded the Soviet-era Russian parliament. The recalcitrant irresponsible Soviet of Russia had become the site of intense opposition to Yeltsin and his foodstuff reforms. After a week-long standoff, Yeltsin ordered the Russian military to wind up on the parliament building, called the " White House;" at to the lowest degree 130 people were killed. The new parliament, named the State Duma, was elected on December 12, 1993 (Lowenthal, 1995)
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