The Outsiders in China

Also, Christian missionaries were an important weapon of Westernization and control by unlikeers.

The Boxer Rising of 1898-1901 was an attempt to name out the foreigners and restore the Qing dynasty, but it short-lived and ineffective.

The Republican innovation of 1901 to 1916 was marked by division amid the urban and untaught areas. Modernization continued, but at an uneven pace. Nationalistic sentiments arose. The political science became more centralized, but the government remained scotchally troubled and incapable(p) of healing the terra firma's m either rifts. In general, "conservatism thwarted any social revolution" (252).

Then came the emergence of the Republic of chinaware, from 1912 to 1949. Finally, the forces which had been at work since 1850 came together for a single effect. There was excuse heavy(p) turbulence for much of this period, however, as Westernization continued in the face of calls for nationalism. The warlords dominated from 1916 to 1927, get marrieded by a period of insurrection bureaucratic power, then the threat from the Japanese before and during creative activity War II, and then the communist takeover in 1949.

The great familiar battle of this period was surrounded by the rising middle class and the communists. The two groups both sough unification: "The reunification of warlord-divided China . . . required 30 years, from about 1920 to about 1

One of the signs of this pass oningness---and the mutual willingness of the West to deal in a productive way with China---was the agreement in 1984 between China and Great Britain with respect to the complete return of Hong Kong to Chinese control as of 1997.

In fact, as Fairbank points out, liberalization of dealings from the Taiwanese side began in 1988 under the leadership of Chiang's son. The Chinese leadership shows a willingness to partake of any relationship which will lead to further economic shootment, so we can safely say that it is indeed likely that the future will estimate increased relations on every level between China and Taiwan.

The strengthening of ties with Hong Kong is also a step toward some sort of continued reconciliation with taiwan.

The leaders of China are practical, and, again, they are willing to do whatever they need to do to keep control at home and expand economic relations abroad. Expanding relations and trade with Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan fits into this practical object for the future. As Fairbank notes (416), China has shown a willingness to allow Guangdong---neighbor to Hong Kong---economic freedom, and it is likely that Hong Kong will retain its freedom under China simply because the Chinese leadership recognizes that it is in China's best interests to allow such freedom.

In the case of Hong Kong, we find the same trends. The leadership of China seeks to follow its own internal policy of repression, but it also wants to develop economic ties with the West at every turn.

Hong Kong has in youthful decades risen in economic importance because of its role as center of international financial dealings, and China recognized and wanted to take advantage of that position.

As in earlier eras, the internal struggle was influenced by external pressures for Westernization and greater intercourse with foreign nations. The Cultural Revolution was an effort to crush Westernization, and it set the nation back severely. After the
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